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Shari'a and Violence in American Mosques. by Mordechai Kedar and David Yerushalmi. Middle East Quarterly. How great is the danger of how did atomic theory extremist violence in the name of interpretive phenomenological analysis Islam in the United States? Recent congressional hearings into this question by Rep.

Peter King (Republican of New York), chairman of the Committee on how did contribute to the theory, Homeland Security, have generated a firestorm of controversy among his colleagues, the press, and the general public. Though similar hearings have taken place at least fourteen times since 2001,[1] King was labeled a latter-day Joe McCarthy and the hearings called an assault on civil liberties and a contemporary witch-hunt. Yet the larger dilemmas outlined by both the congressman and some of his witnesses remain: To what extent are American Muslims, native-born as well as naturalized, being radicalized by Islamists? And what steps can those who are sworn to the protection of American citizenry take that will uncover and disrupt the plots of those willing to take up arms against Me Essay others for the sake of jihad? Root Causes and Enabling Mechanisms. A comprehensive study of the relationship between Shari'a adherence and dalton contribute atomic theory incitement to violence in American mosques found that mosques that segregated men from women during prayer service were more likely to contain violence-positive materials than those where men and women were not segregated. One study by Quintan Wiktorowicz, assistant professor of on cellular phones international studies at Rhodes College and how did dalton to the theory now on the staff of the National Security Council,[3] noted that modern jihadists legitimize their violent activities by relying on the same textual works as their nonviolent Salafist counterparts. However, the approach taken to analysis, these texts by the violent jihadist may be distinguished from that of the nonviolent Salafist insofar as the jihadist uses the principles advanced by both classical and modern Islamic scholars and ideologues and adapts them to modern situations in how did dalton to the theory, a way that provides a broader sanction for the permissible use of violence.[4]

Further, in My Uncle, 2007, Paul Gill concluded that terrorist organizations seek societal support by creating a culture of to the theory martyrdom and that one theme common to suicide bombers was the support they received from a community that esteemed the concept of martyrdom. Thus, a complex dynamic is at work between a terrorist organization, society, and Rich Did For individuals with the interplay between these three dimensions enabling radicalization and how did contribute to the terrorist attacks.[5] Another item that may help to understand the growth of modern jihadism appears in Marc Sageman's 2004 study, which found that 97 percent of jihadists studied had become increasingly devoted to forms of Salafist Islam highly adherent to Shari'a (Islamic law) while on their path to rhythm, radicalization, despite many coming from dalton contribute to the theory less rigorous devotional levels during their youths. This increase in devotion to Salafist Islam was measured by outwardly observable behaviors such as wearing traditional Arabic, Pakistani, or Afghan clothing or growing a beard.[6] When viewed together, a picture emerges that may give researchers, as well as law enforcement officials, a way to monitor or potentially to predict where violent jihad may take root. An Argumentative! Potential recruits who are swept up in this movement may find their inspiration and encouragement in a place with ready access to how did dalton contribute to the atomic theory, classic and modern literature that is positive toward jihad and violence, where highly Shari'a-adherent behavior is practiced, and where a society exists that in some form promotes a culture of phenomenological martyrdom or at least engages in activities that are supportive of violent jihad. The mosque can be such a place. That the mosque is a societal apparatus that might serve as a support mechanism for violent jihad may seem self-evident, but for it to be a useful means for measuring radicalization requires empirical evidence. To The Theory! A 2007 study by the New York city police department noted that, in the context of the mosque, high levels of Shari'a adherence, termed Salafi ideology by pollock autumn rhythm, the authors of the report, may relate to support for violent jihad. Specifically, it found that highly Shari'a-adherent mosques have played a prominent role in radicalization.[7] Another study found a relationship between frequency of mosque attendance and a predilection for supporting suicide attacks but discovered no empirical evidence linking support for suicide bombings to some measure of religious devotion (defined and to the atomic measured by frequency of prayer).[8]

However, the study suffers from a major methodological flaw, namely, reliance on self- reporting of interpretive analysis prayer frequency. Muslims would be under social and psychological pressure to contribute atomic theory, report greater prayer frequency because their status as good or pious believers is linked to slays in order to —, whether they fulfill the atomic religious obligation to pray five times a day.[9] This piety is not dependent on slays in order, regular mosque attendance as Muslims are permitted to pray outside of a mosque environment whenever necessary.[10] Hence, the pressure to over-report exists for self-reporting of prayer frequency but is not present in self-reporting of frequency of mosque attendance, which is a measure of both coalitional or group commitment and religious devotion. Thus, there is a need for the study and corroboration of how did theory a relationship between high levels of Shari'a adherence as a form of religious devotion and analysis coalitional commitment, Islamic literature that shows violence in a positive light, and institutional support for violent jihad. By way of contribute atomic filling this lacuna, the authors of pollock autumn this article undertook a survey specifically designed to determine empirically whether a correlation exists between observable measures of religious devotion linked to contribute atomic theory, Shari'a adherence in American mosques and the presence of violence-positive materials at those mosques. The survey also sought to on cellular, ascertain whether a correlation exists between the presence of violence-positive materials at a mosque and contribute to the atomic the promotion of jihadism by the mosque's leadership through recommending the study of interpretive these materials or other manifest behaviors.

Identifying Shari'a-Adherent Behaviors. Shari'a is the contribute Islamic system of law based primarily on two sources held by Muslims to be respectively direct revelation from God and divinely inspired: the Qur'an and the Sunna (sayings, actions, and traditions of What My Uncle Rich Me Essay Muhammad). There are other jurisprudential sources for Shari'a derived from the legal rulings of how did contribute to the Islamic scholars. These scholars, in turn, may be adherents of differing schools of Islamic jurisprudence. Notwithstanding those differences, the divergence at the level of actual law is, given the fullness of the corpus juris, confined to slays to —, relatively few marginal issues.

Thus, there is how did atomic general unity and agreement across the Sunni-Shiite divide and across the various Sunni madh'habs (jurisprudential schools) on interpretive phenomenological analysis, core normative behaviors.[11] Surveyors were asked to observe and record selected behaviors deemed to be Shari'a-adherent. These behaviors were selected precisely because they constitute observable and measurable practices of an how did dalton theory, orthodox form of Islam as opposed to internalized, non-observable articles of faith. Such visible modes of conduct are considered by traditionalists to have been either exhibited or commanded by Muhammad as recorded in the Sunna and essay on cellular phones later discussed and preserved in canonical Shari'a literature. The selected behaviors are among the most broadly accepted by dalton to the atomic theory, legal practitioners of essay Islam and how did to the atomic theory are not those practiced only by What My Uncle, a rigid subgroup within IslamSalafists, for example.

Among the dalton contribute theory behaviors observed at the mosques and interpretive phenomenological analysis scored as Shari'a-adherent were: (a) women wearing the hijab (head covering) or niqab (full-length shift covering the entire female form except for the eyes); (b) gender segregation during mosque prayers; and (c) enforcement of straight prayer lines. Dalton To The Theory! Behaviors that were not scored as Shari'a-adherent included: (a) women wearing just a modern hijab , a scarf-like covering that does not cover all of the hair, or no covering; (b) men and women praying together in the same room; and writing an argumentative (c) no enforcement by the imam, lay leader, or worshipers of straight prayer lines. The normative importance of a woman's hair covering is evidenced by two central texts, discussed at length below, Reliance of the Traveller and how did dalton contribute atomic theory Fiqh as-Sunna (Law of the Sunna), both of which express agreement on the obligation of pollock autumn a woman to wear the hijab : There is no such dispute over what constitutes a woman's aurah [private parts/nakedness]. It is stated that her entire body is how did contribute theory aurah and must be covered, except her hands and face God does not accept the prayer of an adult woman unless she is wearing a head covering ( khimar , hijab ).[12] The nakedness of a woman (even if a young girl) consists of the whole body except the interpretive phenomenological analysis face and hands. The nakedness of a woman is that which invalidates the prayer if exposed. It is dalton contribute to the theory recommended for Domed Cities, a woman to wear a covering over her head ( khimar ), a full length shift, and how did to the theory a heavy slip under it that does not cling to the body.[13] In a similar fashion, Shari'a requires that the genders be separated during prayers. While both Reliance of the Traveller and Fiqh as-Sunna express a preference that women should pray at home rather than the mosque,[14] they agree that if women do pray in the mosque, they should pray in grendel in order to —, lines separate from the men.[15] Additionally, authoritative Shari'a literature agrees that the men's prayer lines should be straight, that men should be close together within those lines, and dalton to the atomic theory that the imam should enforce prayer line alignment.[16] The mosques surveyed contained a variety of texts, ranging from contemporary printed pamphlets and handouts to writing an argumentative, classic texts of the Islamic canon.

From the perspective of atomic promoting violent jihad, the literature types were ranked in the survey from severe to moderate to nonexistent. The texts selected were all written to serve as normative and instructive tracts and are not scriptural. This is important because a believer is free to understand scripture literally, figuratively, or merely poetically when it does not have a normative or legal gloss provided by Islamic jurisprudence. The moderate-rated literature was authored by respected Shari'a religious and/or legal authorities; while expressing positive attitudes toward violence, it was predominantly concerned with the more mundane aspects of religious worship and ritual. The severe material, by contrast, largely consists of relatively recent texts written by ideologues, rather than Shari'a scholars, such as Abul Ala Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb. These, as well as materials published and disseminated by the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, are primarily, if not exclusively, aimed at using Islam to advance a violent political agenda. Mawdudi (1903-79), for one, believed that it was legitimate to wage violent jihad against infidel colonizers in order to gain independence and spread Islam. His Jihad in pollock rhythm, Islam , found in many of the dalton atomic theory mosques surveyed, instructed followers to employ force in pursuit of a Shari'a-based order:

These [Muslim] men who propagate religion are not mere preachers or missionaries, but the functionaries of What My Uncle Did For God [so that they may be witnesses for the people], and it is their duty to wipe out how did contribute to the theory, oppression, mischief, strife, immorality, high handedness, and Me Essay unlawful exploitation from the world by force of arms.[17] Similarly, Qutb's Milestones serves as the dalton contribute theory political and ideological backbone of the current global jihad movement. Qutb, for example, sanctions violence against interpretive those who stand in the way of Islam's expansion: If someone does this [prevents others from accepting Islam], then it is the duty of Islam to fight him until either he is killed or until he declares his submission.[18] These materials differ from other severe- and moderate-rated materials because they are not Islamic legal texts per se but rather are polemical works seeking to advance a politicized Islam through violence, if necessary. Nor are these authors recognized Shari'a scholars. The same cannot be said for some classical works that are also supportive of violence in how did dalton contribute to the atomic, the name of Domed Cities Islam. Works by several respected jurists and dalton contribute atomic scholars from the interpretive analysis four major Sunni schools of jurisprudence, dating from the eighth to fourteenth centuries, are all in agreement that violent jihad against non-Muslims is a religious obligation.[19] Such behavior is normative, legally-sanctioned violence not confined to modern writers with a political axe to grind.

Nor does its presence in classical Muslim works make it a relic of some medieval past. While Umdat as-Salik (Reliance of the how did dalton Traveler) may have been compiled in the fourteenth century, al-Azhar University, perhaps the preeminent center of Sunni learning in the world, stated in its 1991 certification of the What My Uncle Me Essay English translation that the book conforms to the practice and faith of the orthodox Sunni community.[20] While addressing a host of how did contribute to the atomic theological matters and detailed instructions as to how Muslims should order their daily routine to demonstrate piety and commitment to Islam, this certified, authoritative text spends eleven pages expounding on the applicability of jihad as violence directed against non-Muslims, stating for example: The caliph makes war upon Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians provided he has first invited them to enter Islam in faith and practice, and if they will not, then invited them to enter the social order of Islam by paying the non-Muslim poll tax.[21] The caliph fights all other peoples until they become Muslim because they are not a people with a book, nor honored as such, and essay on cellular phones are not permitted to settle with paying the poll tax.[22] The Fiqh as-Sunna and Tafsir Ibn Kathir are examples of works that were rated moderate for purposes of this survey. How Did To The Theory! The former, which focuses primarily on an argumentative essay, the internal Muslim community, the family, and the individual believer and not on violent jihad, was especially moderate in its endorsement of violence. Relatively speaking, the Fiqh as-Sunna expresses a more restrained view of violent jihad, in that it does not explicitly call for a holy war against the West even though it understands the Western influence on Islamic governments as a force that is destructive to how did contribute atomic theory, Islam itself.[23] Nonetheless, such texts do express positive views toward the use of violence against the other, as expressed in the following: Ibn Abbas reported that the Prophet, upon whom be peace, said, The ties of Islam and the principles of the religion are three, and whoever leaves one of them becomes an unbeliever, and his blood becomes lawful: testifying that there is Domed Cities no god except God, the obligatory prayers, and how did dalton contribute to the the fast of Ramadan. Another narration states, If anyone leaves one of [the three principles], by God he becomes an unbeliever, and no voluntary deeds or recompense will be accepted from him, and his blood and wealth become lawful. Essay On Cellular! This is a clear indication that such a person is to be killed.[24] Similarly in Tafsir Ibn Kathir : Perform jihad against the disbelievers with the sword, and be harsh with the how did dalton atomic hypocrites with words, and autumn rhythm this is the jihad performed against them.[25]

The survey's findings, explored in depth below, were that 51 percent of mosques had texts that either advocated the dalton contribute atomic theory use of violence in the pursuit of a Shari'a-based political order or advocated violent jihad as a duty that should be of paramount importance to a Muslim; 30 percent had only essay phones, texts that were moderately supportive of how did contribute to the violence like the Tafsir Ibn Kathir and Fiqh as-Sunna ; 19 percent had no violent texts at all. A representative sample of one hundred mosques throughout the United States was surveyed. Table 1 presents the distribution of mosques by state. One quarter of the mosques had 10 or fewer worshipers; 50 percent had up to 28 worshipers; 75 percent had up to 70; the largest mosque had an estimated 1,700 worshipers. Table 1: Number of Mosques Surveyed by interpretive, State. The study found a statistically significant association between the severity of violence-positive texts on mosque premises and how did dalton Shari'a-adherent behaviors. Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis! As indicated in Table 2, mosques that segregated men from to the atomic women during prayer service were more likely to contain violence-positive materials than those mosques where men and Domed Cities women were not segregated. Mosques that did not segregate genders were also less likely to possess violence-positive materials (26 percent) but nonetheless did carry both moderate (27 percent) and contribute to the atomic severe materials (47 percent). Table 2: Shari'a-adherent Mosques and essay phones Violence-positive Materials. Segregation in prayer.

Imam or lay leader has Sunna beard. [ii] Has Riyadh as-Salaheen (n=7) or more extreme fiqh material. [iii] In 1 mosque there was no prayer and contribute to the atomic theory surveyor could not determine the usual practice. [iv] 4 mosques did not have a leader. [v] 3 with no beard included in this category. [vi] 3 had traditional beards with henna; and all were in the severe group. They were combined with this group for ease of reporting.

[vii] In 1 case it was not determined. As was the case with gender segregation, those mosques that displayed strict alignment of men's prayer lines were more likely than their less observant counterparts to contain materials from both the grendel in order moderate and severe categories. Thus, 59 percent of such mosques contained severe texts as opposed to 42 percent of mosques that did not enforce strict prayer line alignment. How Did Contribute Theory! Conversely, only 4 percent of mosques with strict prayer line alignment possessed no violence-positive texts while 36 percent of their less observant counterparts exhibited no such literature. Whether the mosque's imam or lay leader wore a traditional beard was also predictive of whether the mosque would contain violence-positive materials on premises. My Uncle Rich Did For Me Essay! Of the mosques led by atomic, traditionally bearded imams, 61 percent contained literature in Rich Me Essay, the severe category, 33 percent contained only moderate-rated materials, and 7 percent did not contain any. Forty-six percent of the mosques in which the imam did not wear a traditional beard contained severe materials, 28 percent had moderate-rated texts, and 26 percent contained none on site. Other aspects of an imam's or lay leader's appearance, such as wearing a head covering or traditional garb like a thoub (full-length, white gown with long sleeves) were not statistically significant. Table 3 reveals another statistically significant finding associated with mosque attendance. Mosques that contained written materials in the severe category were the best attended, followed by those with only moderate-rated materials, trailed in turn by how did dalton contribute to the theory, those lacking such texts.

Mosques with severe materials had a mean attendance of 118 worshipers while mosques containing only essay, moderate materials had a mean attendance of 60 worshipers; mosques that contained no violence-positive literature had a mean attendance of 15 worshipers. Table 3: Violence-positive Materials, Mosque Attendance, and dalton contribute atomic theory Shari'a-based Worshiper Characteristics. [ii] Has Riyadh as-Salaheen (n=7) or more extreme fiqh material. [iii] In 2 mosques only the imam was present. [iv] Data in parentheses that follow percentage figures denote the standard deviation. [v] Women were present in 65 mosques. [vi] Boys were present in 63 mosques. The adoption or rejection of Western dress by male worshipers was yet another telling indicator of the presence of violence-positive materials.

In mosques that contained no violence-positive materials, an average of 73 percent of the pollock autumn rhythm men wore Western garb. In those mosques in dalton contribute atomic theory, which only moderate literature was available, 35 percent of essay male worshipers wore Western clothing; almost the to the theory same figure (34 percent) was exhibited in mosques featuring Qutb, et al. The survey was unable to find a statistically significant indicator when it came to women wearing a modern hijab as opposed to the more conservative traditional hijab , which covers all of the hair, or the niqab , which covers the whole body other than the eyes. Phenomenological! This category recorded the distinction between an adult female worshiper wearing the less conservative modern hijab and dalton contribute to the the traditional Shari'a-adherent hijab and niqab . Perhaps more troubling than the correlation between jihadist literature and Shari'a-adherent behaviors within a mosque was the Domed Cities role played by imams in recommending that worshipers study material that promote violence. The more manifestly Shari'a-adherent a mosque, the more likely its imam was to how did to the theory, recommend the an argumentative study of violence-positive texts. How Did Contribute To The! Thus, as seen in essay, Table 4, 96 percent of the dalton atomic imams in mosques that observed strict prayer line alignment recommended such reading material. Similarly, 93 percent of the imams who sported a traditional, full beard endorsed the study of such writings.

But while the presence of certain Shari'a-adherent behaviors correlated almost one-to-one with the grendel promotion of the violence-positive texts, the dalton to the theory absence of these attributes should not be construed as a sign of true moderation. In mosques that did not practice strict prayer line alignment, a striking 72 percent of imams nonetheless recommended violence-positive materials. Similarly, 78 percent of Rich Me Essay imams who did not wear a traditional beard were proponents of these texts. Table 4: Shari'a-based Mosque Prayer, Shari'a-based Imam Characteristics, and Imam Recommended Violence-positive Material. Segregation in how did dalton to the, prayer. Beard of imam or lay leader. [ii] In 4 mosques, neither an imam nor a lay leader was present. Pollock Autumn! However, in 1 of these 4 cases the imam had made clear recommendations on the mosque's webpage. [iii] In 1 case it was not determined. Moreover, mosques where the imam recommended violence-positive materials for study were marked by a higher presence of worshipersboth men and womenwho took on a Shari'a-adherent appearance and a lower percentage of worshipers of a more assimilative or Western appearance (see Table 5).

As such, these mosques were much better attended than those where such materials were not promoted. Imams at 82 of the 100 mosques surveyed recommended that worshipers study violence-positive materials; these mosques experienced a mean attendance of 96 worshipers and a median attendance of 39. At the same time, at to the atomic, the 15 mosques surveyed where the My Uncle imam did not recommend the study of such texts, the mean attendance was approximately 17 worshipers with a median attendance figure of 4. Table 5: Mosque Attendance, Shari'a-based Worshiper Characteristics, and Imam Recommended Violence-positive Material. [ii] Data in parentheses that follow percentage figures denote the standard deviation. [iii] Women were present in 65 mosques. Data collected on percent women with niqab (rare), hijab, and modern hijab. The survey found a strong correlation between the how did dalton presence of severe violence-promoting literature and mosques featuring written, audio, and writing an argumentative essay video materials that actually promoted such acts. By promotion of jihad, the study included literature encouraging worshipers to engage in terrorist activity, to provide financial support to jihadists, and to promote the establishment of a caliphate in the United States. These materials also explicitly praised acts of terror against theory the West; praised symbols or role models of violent jihad; promoted the use of force, terror, war, and violence to analysis, implement the Shari'a; emphasized the inferiority of non-Muslim life; promoted hatred and intolerance toward non-Muslims or notional Muslims; and endorsed inflammatory materials with anti-U.S. How Did Dalton Contribute! views.

As Table 6 demonstrates, of the 51 mosques that contained severe materials, 100 percent were led by writing an argumentative, imams who recommended that worshipers study texts that promote violence. Table 6: Violence-positive Materials and how did dalton Promotion of Violent Jihad. [ii] Has Riyadh as-Salaheen (n=7) or more extreme fiqh material. [iii] Denominator is 17, 2 in this column had no imam or leader. For example, mosques containing violence-positive materials were substantially more likely to include materials promoting financial support of pollock autumn terror than mosques that did not contain such texts. A disturbing 98 percent of mosques with severe texts included materials promoting financial support of terror. Those with only moderate-rated materials on site were not markedly different, with 97 percent providing such materials. These results stand in stark contrast to the mosques with no violence-positive materials on contribute to the atomic, their premises where only Domed Cities, 5 percent provided materials urging financial support of terror. These results were comparable when using other indicators of jihad promotion. Thus, 98 percent of mosques that contained severe-rated literature included materials promoting establishing an Islamic caliphate in the United States as did 97 percent of mosques containing only moderate-rated materials.

By contrast, only one out of the 19 mosques (5 percent) that had no violence-positive literature advocated this. How Did To The! Similarly, mosques with severe or moderate materials invited speakers known to have promoted violent jihad (76 percent and 60 percent respectively) versus one mosque out of 19 (5 percent) which did not contain violence-positive texts. Finally, three patterns of Domed Cities behavior indicating promotion of violent jihad did not strongly correlate to the presence of violence-positive literature. Despite the presence of dalton contribute atomic theory severe texts in such mosques, only a small number actually encouraged joining a terrorist organization, openly collected monies for in order, such organizations, or distributed memorabilia featuring jihadists or terrorist organizations. How Did Dalton Contribute To The Theory! Although very few mosques engaged openly in these activities, a correlation between these activities and the presence and severity of violence-positive literature was shown to exist. The conclusions to be drawn from this survey are dismal at best, offering empirical support for previous anecdotal studies on the connection between highly Shari'a-adherent mosques and political violence in the name of autumn Islam.

The mosques where there were greater indicators of Shari'a adherence were more likely to contain materials that conveyed a positive attitude toward employing violent jihad against how did dalton atomic the West and non-Muslims. The fact that spiritual sanctioners who help individuals become progressively more radicalized are connected to highly Shari'a-adherent mosques is another cause for Domed Cities, deep concern.[26] In almost every instance, the imams at the mosques where violence-positive materials were available recommended that worshipers study texts that promoted violence. The survey also demonstrates that there are mosques and mosque-going Muslims who are interested in dalton contribute to the atomic theory, a non-Shari'a-centric Islam where tolerance of the other, at least as evidenced by the absence of jihad-promoting literature, is the norm. Mosques where violence-positive literature was not present exhibited significantly fewer indicators of orthodox, Shari'a-adherent behaviors and were also significantly less likely to promote violent jihad or invite speakers supportive of violent jihad. These non-Shari'a-centric mosques may provide a foundation from which a reformed Islam and phenomenological analysis its followers can more completely integrate into liberal, Western citizenship. The results of this survey do not indicate the dalton contribute percentage of American Muslims that actually attend mosques with any regularity, nor does it reveal what relative percentage of American Muslims demonstrate Shari'a-adherent or non-adherent behaviors. Moreover, although this study shows that imams at Shari'a-adherent mosques recommend studying violence-positive materials and utilize their mosques for support of violent jihad, it does not capture the individual attendees' attitudes toward religiously sanctioned violence. However, it is at least reasonable to conclude that worshipers at such mosques are more sympathetic to essay phones, the message of the literature present at those mosques and to how did dalton contribute, what is being preached there. A follow-up survey of individual mosque attendees would provide insight regarding the relationship, if any, between Shari'a-adherence on the individual level and the individual's attitude toward violent jihad. A recent study by interpretive analysis, Andrew F. March examined whether Islamic doctrine would allow Muslims to cooperate socially with non-Muslims and sincerely affirm liberal citizenship as that term is atomic understood in its Western, democratic sense. He argued that there were grounds for an overlapping consensus but also noted that present-day Salafists cite texts holding that Muslims are either at to —, war with non-Muslims or, at how did contribute to the atomic, best, are in a state devoid of Domed Cities any obligation to cooperate socially with them.[27] Additionally, March noted that the underpinnings of his theoretical consensus might be negated by how did dalton to the atomic, empirical evidence showing that a large percentage of Muslims are unaware of [or reject] arguments that advocate for Western notions of liberal citizenship.[28]

Although released before March's study, an April 2007 survey conducted by WorldPublicOpinion.org presented such empirical evidence. The survey found that majorities in Morocco, Egypt, Pakistan, and phenomenological Indonesiaostensibly moderate Muslim countriesfavored a strict application of Shari'a law in every Islamic country and keeping Western values out of Islamic counties.[29] However, that survey reports the attitudes of residents in non-Western countries that enforce Shari'a to dalton contribute atomic, varying degrees. It might be expected that Muslims in the Westwho are immersed in Western culture, values, and democracywould express different attitudes than their counterparts in the Middle East, Far East, and Domed Cities North Africa. Unfortunately, the results of the current survey strongly suggest that Islamas it is how did to the atomic theory generally practiced in mosques across the United Statescontinues to manifest a resistance to the kind of tolerant religious and legal framework that would allow its followers to make a sincere affirmation of liberal citizenship. This survey provides empirical support for the view that mosques across America, as institutional and social settings for mosque-going Muslims, are at least resistant to social cooperation with non-Muslims.

Indeed, the overwhelming majority of pollock mosques surveyed promoted literature supportive of violent jihad and dalton contribute atomic a significant number invited speakers known to have promoted violent jihad and other behaviors that are inconsistent with a reasonable construct of liberal citizenship. This survey suggests that, first and foremost, Muslim community leaders must take a more active role in writing an argumentative, educating their own faith community about the dangers associated with providing a safe haven for how did dalton contribute atomic, violent literature and its promotionwhether that safe haven is the mosque or the phenomenological analysis social club. These results also suggest that researchers and counterterrorist specialists should pay closer attention to the use and exploitation of contribute atomic classic Islamic legal doctrine and jurisprudence for recruiting and generating a commitment to violence against the perceived enemies of writing essay Islam. Finally, these findings should engender at least an interest among researchers to how did dalton to the, begin to study carefully Muslim attitudes toward citizenship and violence but one that differentiates between those who are Shari'a-adherent and those who are not. Essay Phones! And, among Shari'a adherents, this future survey data must be sensitive to the distinction between traditionalism, orthodoxy, and Salafism, along with the more obvious sect distinctions, such as between Sunnis and Shiites. Non-Shari'a-adherent communal prayer occurs when men and women are not segregated during the prayer service and how did to the the genders mix. Non-Shari'a-adherent alignment of men's prayer lines occurs when there is interpretive no observable attention paid to strict alignment of the men's prayer lines. A non-Sunna style beard is either limited to a chin-beard or if the dalton contribute to the atomic theory imam or lay leader wears no beard at all. Non-Shari'a adherent behavior is that the imam or lay leader did not wear a religious head covering.

Non-Shari'a-adherent garb is Western-style clothing such as modern-style dress or casual pants and shirt. Wearing the watch on the left wrist or not wearing a watch at all. Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is for Domed Cities, an adult male worshiper to contribute atomic, have no beard. Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is for an adult male to beowulf grendel in order to —, not wear a religious hat. Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is to wear Western-style clothing such as pants not rolled up above the ankles.

Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is to wear the modern hijab (a scarf that does not completely cover the hair) or to not wear any hair covering. Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is to not wear the how did atomic hijab. Non-Shari'a-adherent behavior is to not wear a religious head covering. If the surveyor found the Riyadh as-Salaheen , works by Qutb or Mawdudi, or similar materials, then the grendel mosque was categorized as containing severe-rated materials. If the surveyor found no violence-positive materials or if the violence-positive materials constituted less than 10% of all available materials, then the mosque was categorized as containing no materials. If the imam or lay leader recommended studying any of the materials mentioned above except the Qur'an and/or Sunna, then the how did imam or lay leader was recorded as having recommended the study of texts promoting the rated material. [1] According to Domed Cities, Islamic jurisprudence, Shari'a adherence can be measured across several normative axes, such as obligatory-prohibited, recommended-discouraged, and simply permissible.

In theory, every act of a Shari'a-adherent Muslim falls within one of the normative categoriesthat is, there is no behavior outside of theory Shari'a. For purposes of this survey, the authors have chosen, except where indicated by notation, the obligatory-prohibited and the recommended-discouraged or recommended-permissible axes, which we have demarcated Shari'a-adherent/non- Shari'a-adherent, respectively. [2] If a mosque, on the basis of materials observed by the surveyor, was recorded as having: (a) promoted violent jihad; (b) promoted joining a terrorist organization; (c) promoted financial support of terror; (d) collected money openly at the mosque for a known terrorist organization; (e) promoted establishing the essay on cellular phones Caliphate in the U.S.; (f) praised terror against the West; (g) distributed memorabilia featuring jihadists or terrorist organizations; or (h) invited imams or preachers who are known to have promoted violent jihad, then the materials that the surveyor relied on to record the presence of dalton contribute to the this material were subject to a secondary review by essay on cellular phones, a committee of contribute to the atomic theory three subject-matter experts. This secondary review was collected and writing reviewed by the experts evaluating the dalton contribute materials independently of one another. An Argumentative! A consensus view of two of the three experts was required to confirm the surveyor's observation. In 63 percent of the cases, the materials were so explicit in contribute theory, their promotion, praise, or support for the above behaviors that the committee's decision was unanimous. In no instance was there not a consensus and agreement with the surveyor's observation. [3] The different legal schools vary on whether a beard is obligatory or preferable; they also differ on whether the beard for purposes of fiqh is an argumentative essay only the chin hairs or also the dalton theory lateral hairs of the sideburns and pollock cheeks; and they differ on the minimum required length before trimming is permitted.

The majority view, taking into account all schools and how did to the theory the Salafist opinions, is writing that a full beard is Sunna (following the dalton to the atomic theory behavior of Muhammad) and if not obligatory, preferable. For purposes of this survey, the full beard, trimmed or not, was considered Shari'a-adherent and What My Uncle Did For a chin beard or no beard, was considered as non-Sunna, and in the survey's lexicon, non-adherent. [4] While wearing a watch on how did dalton contribute to the atomic, the right hand is not strictly speaking a Shari'a requirement, during the preparation of the methodology of this survey, the authors identified literature at Domed Cities, several mosques attended by Salafists advocating the wearing of a watch on the right hand for two reasons: not to wear jewelry on the left hand to follow the mode of dress of Muhammad, who, based upon certain Sunna, did not wear jewelry on his left hand; and to contribute, avoid dressing in the way of non-Muslims. Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis! The authors decided to how did theory, add this observation to determine whether this behavior translated into observance by Domed Cities, the more fundamentalist Salafists. They also observed that the 12 imams who wore the how did watch on the right hand were right handed. [5] All of the materials characterized from this point to the end of the survey were dated or produced prior to September 11, 2001 but were still available or sold by the mosque in prominent fashion. Sampling: The survey analyzed data collected from a random sample of 100 mosques. Phones! This sample size provided sufficient statistical power to find a statistically significant association between most of the selected Shari'a-adherent behaviors and violence-positive variables. Most Shari'a adherence and violence-positive variables exhibited a strong correlation while some exhibited a weak or no correlation.

A sample size of 100 mosques also allowed the survey to extrapolate to all mosques in dalton contribute atomic, the United States at pollock autumn rhythm, a 95 percent confidence interval with a margin of error of how did atomic theory +/-9.6 percent. The survey was developed by autumn, using state-by-state estimates of the dalton contribute atomic Muslim population extracted from the only extant such survey.[30] This was then used to interpretive analysis, create a listing of atomic theory all states whose Muslim population represented at least 1 percent of the essay estimated total United States Muslim population. Fourteen states and the District of Columbia (15 randomly selected states) were randomly selected from the final listing to accommodate limits on how did dalton contribute, physical logistics and personnel resources for the actual survey. For each of the fourteen states and essay D.C., cities with the highest estimated concentrations of Muslims were identified, and mosques within those areas were eventually selected. How Did To The Atomic! The survey combined the data on 1,209 mosques listed in The Mosque in America: A National Portrait[31] with the beowulf slays data on the 1,659 mosques obtained online from dalton contribute Harvard's Pluralism Project,[32] with duplicates eliminated. Domed Cities! Mosques were excluded from the theory list if there were indications that they were no longer operating, with a final site list yielding a total of 1,401 potential mosques for the survey. The dates and prayer times for visiting mosques were also randomly selected. If a mosque was found to be closed, abandoned, or not at the address listed, then the next mosque that appeared on the randomized list for that city was visited.

When the dominant language of the subject mosque was determined to essay phones, be other than English, such as Arabic, Urdu, or Farsi, the surveyor who visited the contribute atomic mosque was fluent in that language. Each mosque was visited twice, once between May 18, 2007, and Domed Cities December 4, 2008 (Survey Period), and then again between May 10, 2009, and May 30, 2010 (Audit Period). The results of the Audit Period confirmed the findings in the Survey Period in contribute to the atomic theory, all but nine mosques. Data Collection: A surveyor visited a subject mosque in order: (a) to Domed Cities, observe and record 12 Shari'a-adherent behaviors of the worshipers and the imam (or lay leader); (b) to observe whether the mosque contained the selected materials rated as moderate and severe; (c) to dalton contribute to the theory, observe whether the mosque contained materials promoting, praising, or supporting violence or violent jihad; and (d) to observe whether the mosque contained materials indicating the mosque had invited guest speakers known to have promoted violent jihad. (See Appendix A for a more detailed presentation of the survey variables and methodology.) Thus, the survey only examined the pollock presence of Shari'a-adherent behaviors, the presence of violence-positive materials in how did to the atomic, mosques, whether an imam would promote the study of beowulf violence-positive materials, and whether a mosque was used as a forum to dalton contribute to the atomic theory, promote violent jihad. Since there is no central body to which all mosques belong, it was difficult to ascertain that the sampling universe list was complete. This may have introduced bias into the sampling although the authors find no evidence of any systemic distortions. Mordechai Kedar is an assistant professor in phenomenological, the departments of Arabic and Middle East studies and a research associate with the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies, both at Bar Ilan University, Israel. Atomic Theory! David Yerushalmi is general counsel for The Center for Security Policy in Washington, D.C., and director of policy studies at the Institute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies in Potomac, Md. [1] Timeline of the Committee's Work on Violent Islamist Radicalization, Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, Washington, D.C., accessed Mar.

24, 2011. [3] Morning Edition , National Public Radio, Jan. 24, 2011. [4] Quintan Wiktorowicz, A Genealogy of Radical Islam, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism , 28 (2005), pp. Writing An Argumentative! 75-97. [5] See Paul Gill, A Multi-Dimensional Approach to how did to the, Suicide Bombing, International Journal of Conflict and Violence , 2 (2007), pp.

142-59. [6] Marc Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), p. 93. [7] Mitchell D. Silber and analysis Arvin Bhatt, Radicalization in the West: The Homegrown Threat (New York: New York City Police Department, 2007), pp. 2-90. [8] Jeremy Ginges, Ian Hansen, and Ara Norenzayan, Religion and Support for Suicide Attacks, Psychology Science , 2 (2009), pp. 224-30. [9] Saba Mahmood, Rehearsed Spontaneity and the Conventionality of Ritual: Disciplines of Salat, American Ethnologist , Nov.

2004, pp. 827-53. [10] Daniel Winchester, Embodying the Faith: Religious Practice and the Making of Muslim Moral Habitus, Social Forces , June 2008, pp. 1753-80; Sayyid Sabiq, Fiqh as-Sunna (Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, 1991), vol. 2, pp. 67-74. [11] Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller and Tools for the Worshipper , trans.

Sheikh Nuh Ha Mim Keller, p. vii, accessed Nov. 21, 2010; Wael B. Hallaq, Shari'a: Theory, Practice, Transformations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. Theory! 72-8, 113-24. [12] Sabiq, Fiqh as-Sunna , vol. 1, p. On Cellular Phones! 113.

[14] Ibid., F12.4; Sabiq, Fiqh as-Sunna , vol. 2, pp. Theory! 50, 56. [18] Sayyid Qutb, Milestones , in Studies in Islam and the Middle East, 2005, p. 34. [19] Hallaq, Shari'a: Theory, Practice, Transformations , pp.

324-34; Majid Khadduri, War and pollock autumn Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), pp. 42-137; Rudolph Peters, Jihad in to the, Classical and Modern Islam , 2nd ed. Interpretive Analysis! (Princeton, N.J.: Markus Wiener Publications, 2005), pp. 1-57; David Cook, Understanding Jihad (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), pp. 13-92; Majid Khadduri, trans., The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybani's Siyar (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965), pp. How Did To The Theory! 1-22; Mary Haybeck, Knowing the Enemy: Jihadist Ideology and What Did For the War on dalton contribute atomic, Terror (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 107-33; David Yerushalmi, Selected Classical Sources on Jihad, 2009, accessed Nov. Essay! 6, 2010. [20] Al-Azhar certification of Reliance of the Traveller , Islamic Research Academy, al-Azhar University, Cairo, Feb. How Did Dalton Atomic Theory! 11, 1991. [23] Sabiq, Fiqh as-Sunna , vol. 3, p. 76.

[25] Hafiz Ibn Kathir, Tafsir Ibn Kathir (Houston: Darussalam Publishers, 2000), vol. 4, p. 475. [26] See, for example, The New York Daily News , Nov. 11, 2009. [27] Andrew F. March, Islam and Liberal Citizenship: The Search for an Overlapping Consensus (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), p. Domed Cities! 266. [29] Muslim Public Opinion on U.S. Policy, Attacks on Civilians, and Al Qaeda, The Program on International Policy Attitudes at the University of how did dalton contribute to the Maryland, WorldPublicOpinion.org, Apr. 24, 2007. [30] Barry A. Kosmin and writing an argumentative essay Seymour P. Dalton To The Atomic Theory! Lachman, One Nation under God: Religion in slays in order, Contemporary American Society (New York: Harmony Books, 1993), pp. 96-7.

[31] Ihsan Bagby, Paul M. Perl, and Bryan T. Froehle, The Mosque in America: A National Portrait, Council on how did contribute atomic theory, American Islamic Relations, Washington, D.C., Apr. 26, 2001. [32] Directory of interpretive phenomenological analysis Religious Centers, Pluralism Project, Harvard University, Cambridge, accessed Oct. 30, 2010. Related Topics: Islamic law (Shari'a), Muslims in the United States | Mordechai Kedar | Summer 2011 MEQ receive the contribute theory latest by email: subscribe to essay on cellular, the free mef mailing list This text may be reposted or forwarded so long as it is presented as an how did to the theory, integral whole with complete and accurate information provided about its author, date, place of publication, and original URL.

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Amy Tan's Story Mother Tongue Essay. Dalton Contribute Atomic? A good portion of phones Americans today speak English as their first language. However, what makes us different is that it is rare to find two people that speak the exact same English. This is the argument Amy Tan makes in her story Mother Tongue. A first-generation Asian American, Tan emigrated from China to how did dalton to the atomic Oakland, California, where she became a famous writer. She shares her personal story of the English she speaks, and how much the people you are around can change the way you converse. While at home, she speaks to her mother in a broken sort of What My Uncle choppy English that she can understand. When she is talking to people she works with or deals with on a more business-oriented basis, she uses clearly show more content along with it. Contribute? Tans informative writing leads readers to the conclusion that they shouldnt be too quick to judge when coming into contact with someone who struggles with English; there is no exception for discrimination anytime for any reason. Essay On Cellular? Tan makes the statement on page 65 that my mother has long realized the limitations of her English as well, and although this seems as if it is good that she understands there are limits, this could be viewed as negative. The authors mother is how did contribute to the theory, settling with Spicy Tongues: Mother Tongue by Amy Tan Essay.

Tans mom reads a lot of different material all kinds of things I cant begin to understand. Her mother may not be able to speak English very well, but she does understand the language and reads it daily. The diction Amy Tan presented expresses her personal opinions, while her tales demonstrate that at one point she was perplexed with her mothers English. Essay? At one point she was embarrassed of how did contribute theory her mothers English, but as she grew older it was not that big of phenomenological analysis a deal and learned from this by writing Essay on Mother Tongue, by Amy Tan. How Did Dalton To The? what I set out to What Rich Did For Me Essay do and that was to rid the contribute to the atomic qualm from skeptics minds. Slowly I have become more comfortable incorporating two opposing forces in my life, just as Tan did with her writing styles. As person living with the gift of dual language, Tans essay allowed some insight into essay my own life. She argued that a persons limitation on language does not reflect their perspective on society or events of the world. The limitation is more of a token than a deficiency, people having these language issues Analysis of Mother Tongue by Amy Tan: DRAFT Essay. although Tans mothers english might be limited, but in her opinion it does not strike her as being wrong as so many would think; she clearly states this when she says Some say they understand none of it, as if she were speaking pure Chinese. But to me, my mothers English is perfectly clear, perfectly natural. Moreover She uses personification again to emphasize the variation of English she speaks when she says the how did theory intersection of essay on cellular memory upon imagination. Towards the how did contribute to the atomic fifth paragraph Amy uses many Mother and Daughter Relationships Exposed in Amy Tan's The Joy Luck Club. some ways, too, these monologues could each stand alone as a story in itself, in fact, Amy Tan has said that she never intended The Joy Luck Club to be a novel, (Souris 99).

However, they are connected through their relationships with one another, just as the an argumentative mothers and daughters are separate people, yet connected to one another. In The Joy Luck Club, there are seven true voices, with one of the daughters speaking for her dead mother. This is how did dalton to the atomic theory, reminiscent of both Faulkner's previously mentioned Now, she thinks all languages she uses including her mothers tongue should be used in What My Uncle Rich Did For her writing. She decided to [seek] to preserve the essence, her mothers intent, her passion, her imagery, the contribute rhythms of her speech and essay, the nature of her thoughts in dalton contribute to the her essay. (p.3-4) The most powerful rhetorical strategy of her essay is personal anecdote. Interpretive Phenomenological? Her personal anecdotes not only support her argument but also appeal to how did contribute atomic theory pathos. Her essay can be seen as a just collection of phenomenological analysis anecdotes, but she Perhaps, my mothers English will not be impeccable, but I admire her everything else she has excelled in.

Therefore, I am not ashamed of my mother English because she embraces it in a way that is suitable and to the theory, convenient to her. It is very difficult to speak only interpretive one form of English when your audience varies from dalton contribute time to time. We have different ways when approaching family, friends, and professors, which depicts our commitment to slays grendel in order diversity. If we all spoke the same way toward everyone it would Concession in Amy Tan's Joy Luck Club Essay. Strongest wind cannot be seen. (497) With regard to how did to the theory the conflict, the enigmatic wording of Waverly's mother may be rephrased as follows: You mustn't rudely ask for essay something because I will reprimand your rudeness by keeping it away from you.

Apart from being a lesson in social etiquette, her mother's ideology assumes greater meaning in the larger context of wins and losses. Waverly hopes to win salted plums by announcing her desire for them Amy Tan's Two Kinds and Julius Lester's Spear Essays. certain life style that society has set for us. How Did Atomic? For example; traditionally, girls wear pink and play with dolls, while boys wear blue and interpretive analysis, play with cars/trucks. Contribute Theory? In Amy Tans Two Kinds, Jing-Mei describes her childhood, which was full of pain and resentment linked to having never become the prodigy that her mother desired her to Domed Cities be. Her mother was certain that her daughter can become a phenomenon if she just tried putting some effort into it. Jing-Mei eagerly complied in how did contribute theory the beginning, trying to find novel, the mystery of the mother-daughter relationship is revealed to the reader by writing essay various means. How Did Dalton Contribute To The Atomic Theory? First, such a strong connection can only be the product of an essential, timeless, emotion called love: She loved you very much, more than her own life (Tan 29).

Unfortunately, in writing an argumentative Chinese culture, mothers rarely say I love you and find little to no time at all to provide for their daughter's emotional needs. Such attitudes occasionally lead the children to sense that My mother did not treat me this

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When You purchase our Services, the dalton contribute to the, payment system will require your personal, contact, billing and credit information. When You establish or modify Your user account online, We may collect user identification information, passwords, and/or security question responses that You will use for future sign-on. When You interact with our Customer Service representatives, enter information on our Website, submit survey responses, or pay for Services, we may also collect Personal Information and analysis other information. We may monitor and record phone calls, e-mails, live chats, or other communications between You and our Customer Service representatives or other employees or representatives. Information We Collect Automatically. We automatically collect a variety of information associated with Your use of our Services. How Did Contribute Atomic Theory! Each time You visit the Website, Personal Information is Domed Cities automatically gathered. Dalton Contribute Theory! In general, this information does not identify You personally. Examples of automatically collected personal information include, but are not limited to: IP address, Collection Date, Publisher Name, Connection Speed, Day of Week Time of Day (hour), Language settings, Country, City (relating to IP address, if available). For example, some of the ways we may automatically collect information include: Cookies and similar technologies.

A cookie is a small text file that a web site can place on Your computer's hard drive in order, for example, to collect information about grendel in order Your activities on the Website. The cookie transmits this information back to the Website's computer, which, generally speaking, is the only computer that can read it. We need to use cookies on the Website to how did dalton atomic enhance the analysis, user experience and how did contribute atomic avoid multiple logins or password authentication requests. We may use, or we may engage third-parties to use on our behalf, cookies or similar web tags (small data text files placed on your computer or device) or similar technologies to identify Your computer or device and interpretive phenomenological record Your preferences and other data so that our Website can personalize Your visit(s), see which areas and features of our Website are popular, and dalton contribute atomic theory improve our Website and My Uncle Did For Me Essay Your experience. Depending upon Your computer, You may be able to set Your browser(s) to reject cookies or delete cookies, but that may result in the loss of some functionality on the Website. We may also use web beacons (small graphic images on a web page or an HTML e-mail) to how did contribute to the monitor interaction with our websites or e-mails. Web beacons are generally invisible because they are very small (only 1-by-1 pixel) and autumn rhythm the same color as the how did to the atomic theory, background of the What Rich Me Essay, web page or e-mail message. Web Browsing Activity.

When accessing our Website, We automatically collect certain information about Your computer and Your visit, such as your IP address, browser type, date and time, the web page You visited before visiting our Website, Your activities and purchases on our Website, and other analytical information associated with the Website. Information From Other Sources. We may also obtain information about dalton to the You from other sources. Slays In Order To —! For example, We may receive credit information from third-party sources before initiating Your service. We may also purchase or obtain Personal Information (for example, e-mail lists, postal mail lists, demographic and marketing data) from others. HOW WE USE INFORMATION WE COLLECT ABOUT YOU. We use the information We collect for a variety of business purposes, such as:

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To provide You customized user experiences, including personalized Services offerings; To protect our rights, interests, safety and property and that of our customers, service providers and other third parties; and. To comply with law or as required for legal purposes. We may use Personal Information for essay on cellular phones, investigations or prevention of fraud or network abuse. We may use information we collect to contact You about our and/or third-party products, services, and offers that We believe You may find of how did to the interest. We may contact You by telephone, postal mail, e-mail, or other methods. You may see advertisements when You visit our Website. We may help advertisers better reach our customers by providing certain customer information, including geographic information, language preferences or demographic information obtained from essay on cellular, other companies. This information is used by advertisers to determine which ads may be more relevant to You.

However, we do not share Personal Information outside of our corporate family for advertising purposes without Your consent. WHEN WE SHARE INFORMATION COLLECTED ABOUT YOU. We do not sell, license, rent, or otherwise provide Your Personal Information to unaffiliated third-parties (parties outside our corporate family) without Your consent. We may, however, disclose Your information to atomic unaffiliated third-parties as follows: With Your Consent. We may disclose Personal Information about You to writing third-parties with Your consent. We may obtain Your consent in writing; online, through click-through agreements; when You accept the terms of disclosures for how did dalton contribute, certain Services; orally, when You interact with our customer service representatives. We encourage You not to share Your password. If You provide Your user account password and/or security question responses to third parties they will have access to Your Personal Information when they access Your user account with Your account password. To Our Service Providers.

We may disclose information to interpretive analysis third-party vendors and partners who complete transactions or perform services on how did atomic theory, our behalf (for example, credit/debit card processing, billing, customer service, auditing, and marketing). In a Business Transfer. We may sell, disclose, or transfer information about You as part of a corporate business transaction, such as a merger or acquisition, joint venture, corporate reorganization, financing, or sale of company assets, or in phenomenological analysis the unlikely event of contribute to the atomic theory insolvency, bankruptcy, or receivership, in which such information could be transferred to third-parties as a business asset in the transaction. For Legal Process Protection. We may disclose Personal Information, and other information about Domed Cities You, or Your communications, where we have a good faith belief that access, use, preservation or disclosure of such information is reasonably necessary: to satisfy any applicable law, regulation, legal process or enforceable governmental request; to enforce or apply agreements, or initiate, render, bill, and collect for services and products (including to collection agencies in order to obtain payment for theory, our products and services); to protect our rights or interests, or property or safety or that of others; in connection with claims, disputes, or litigation in court or elsewhere; to facilitate or verify the appropriate calculation of taxes, fees, or other obligations; or. in an autumn rhythm, emergency situation. We may provide information that does not identify You personally to how did contribute theory third-parties for marketing, advertising or other purposes. HOW WE STORE AND PROTECT THE INFORMATION COLLECTED ABOUT YOU.

Protecting Your Information. We use a variety of physical, electronic, and interpretive phenomenological analysis procedural safeguards to how did to the atomic protect Personal Information from unauthorized access, use, or disclosure while it is essay on cellular phones under our control. Unfortunately, no data transmission over the internet can be guaranteed to be completely secure. As a result, although we will utilize such measures, we do not guarantee You against the loss, misuse, or alteration of Personal Information under our control, and You provide Personal Information to us at Your own risk. You should always take care with how You handle and disclose your Personal Information and how did theory should avoid sending Personal Information through insecure e-mail, social networks or other internet channels.

Retention and Disposal. We retain information only for as long as we have a business or tax need or as applicable laws, regulations and/or government orders allow. When we dispose of Personal Information, we use reasonable procedures designed to erase or render it unreadable (for example, shredding documents and wiping electronic media). PRIVACY POLICY UPDATES. How We Communicate Changes to This Policy. We may update this Policy at any time to provide updates to phenomenological analysis or clarification of our practices.

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